Hannah Arendt was born on October 14, 1906, to parents of Russian-Jewish origin. She studied theology at the University of Marburg, where she met and fell in love with Martin Heidegger and later at the University of Heidelberg under Karl Jaspers. Arrested by the Gestapo for conducting research on anti-Semitic propaganda, Arendt escaped to Paris where she met the German communist Heinrich Blücher, who was to become her husband. The couple was interned by the Nazis and managed to escape to the USA. After taking American citizenship, Arendt pursued a career as a journalist and academic. Her coverage for the
New Yorker of the trail of Adolf Eichmann in Jerusalem in 1960 became the basis of her most controversial work. Best known for her profound analysis of totalitarianism, Arendt is one of the 20th century's foremost intellectuals. She died in 1975.
Daniel Cohn-Bendit was born in 1945 in Montauban, France
and grew up in Germany. He was one of the leading spokesmen of the May
Revolution 1968 in Paris, was a member of the Frankfurt "Sponti" (radicals) scene in
the 1970s, edited the legendary magazine "Pflasterstrand", joined the
Green Party in 1984 and is today co-chairman of the Greens in the
European Parliament. Interviewer was
Hannes Stein.
Die Welt: What did Hannah Arendt mean to you, when you were still a real, radical leftist 68er?
Daniel Cohn-Bendit:
That's complicated, because she was a friend of my parents. I knew her
and was aware of her theses as a child. After emigrating in 1934, she
belonged to a group of intellectuals in Paris along with my parents, Walter Benjamin and Hannah Arendt's husband Heinrich Blücher.
My father and Blücher were interned together at the beginning of the
war, and that resulted in a deep friendship. But you make a point in
your question: Hannah Arendt was not the most influential thinker for
me at that time.
Hannah Arendt 1941. Foto: Fred Stein When did you meet Hannah Arendt?
When she held a laudatio for Karl Jaspers
in 1958, when he received the Friedenspreis des Deutschen Buchhandels.
My father had just died and she visited my mother. The second time I
saw her was at the Auschwitz trial in Frankfurt. I was there with my
school class – and she happened to be there too.
When did you begin to get interested in Hannah Arendt's work?
In
the 1970s, as the discussions about totalitarianism became more and
more pressing. I was a leftist anti-communist and when I came to
Germany in 1968, I was perplexed by the reluctance to compare communism
with national socialism, which was rooted in German history.
Did your referring to Hannah Arendt's "The Origins of Totalitarianism" lead to conflicts with your colleagues?
There
was conflict from the outset, because when I was expelled from France
in 1968, I was absolutely certain that, despite my revolutionary
convictions, I would prefer to live in West Germany than in the GDR. I
saw in France and the GDR bourgeois societies – that's what we called
them back then – that needed reform but not totalitarian systems.
What does Hannah Arendt's still controversial book "Eichmann in Jerusalem" mean to you?
That
the demonisation of the Nazis doesn't help us in the long run. The most
insane thing, that has to be understood is that the Nazis were "normal
people"! Eichmann was a nobody who was only to achieve the status and
commit the annihilation he did in a totalitarian, totally racist system.
But
some of the claims that Hannah Arendt makes in "Eichmann in Jerusalem"
don't hold up historically. Take for example her complete condemnation
of the Jewish councils...
Daniel Cohn-Bendit facing the police in Nanterre 1968 Nonetheless, the question that
she asks with the Jewish council remains relevant: when does one accept
developments and at what point does one put up resistance? It's
possible that
Hannah Arendt was not fair on the Jewish councils. But
her basic question is still legitimate: Was it right to collaborate in
the first place? Because it wasn't just the Jews who didn't want to see
the annihilation that was facing them. When the western democracies
signed a
treaty with Hitler in Munich in 1938, they didn't see the
annihilation potential that was being developed in Germany. It's
basically this question that is still being asked in Israel. The
injustice that Israel is doing to Palestine is related to the feeling
that one doesn't want to ever end up in the same situation again.
That's a problem that, in my opinion, has not been dealt with
adequately – but it's a real problem.
Hannah Arendt's
position on Zionism was complicated in an interesting way; she
vacillated between agreement and rejection. Do you see your own
position reflected in that? Hannah Arendt realised that
Jews wanted to have a place somewhere where they could live in peace as
Jews. That's a kind of primary Zionism that I can understand for the
generation of people who lived through the Holocaust. I was born later.
And I am A-Zionist. That means I am neither pro nor anti Zionist. I
can understand Jews wanting to live in Israel – but I want to remain a
Jew of the diaspora. Hannah Arendt sensed in 1947 and 48 that the
violent-military assertion of the state of Israel would lead to a
permanent state of conflict. At the same time, the Six Day War
represented a reality: there was only one state of Israel and despite
all criticism, she stood in solidarity with the people of Israel. She
did not want to do away with Israelis.
On another subject: Hannah Arendt and Martin Heidegger. Can you explain that for us?No! But that's the nice thing about life: love and sex
cannot be explained rationally, philosophically. I always say: Hannah
Arendt is the philosophical Madonna. Put it this way -
Madonna is the
woman who said: I'll take the man that I want. Whether that's Christ -
who she takes down from the cross in her famous music video – or her
sports teacher, or whoever else. And Hannah Arendt is a political
philosopher who can think radically, who takes on her teacher
Heidegger
with her radical thinking, who falls totally in love with this man –
and the love was enduring. It was buried deep in her head and in her
body. Some relationships are not to be explained; one has to accept
that.
Back to politics...We've
been talking about politics the whole time. It's crazy to assert that
Hannah Arendt should only have politically correct relationships.
By the way, she also had a politically correct love. The interesting
thing about her life is these two men. The other one was her husband,
the former radical leftist who remained leftist later. Heinrich Blücher
influenced Hannah Arendt a great deal in her book
"The Human Condition". She always had a leftist understanding of the social.
She thought in liberal terms about democratic institutions but she was
very left in the social realm. She said America was politically
democratic, and socially totalitarian. That's true! If you go into an
American suburb, you see communism realised. Communist levelling is
fully achieved. One identical row house after the next, for kilometres.
Since we're talking about America... how do you think Hannah Arendt would respond today to Islamicism? She
would say that Islamic fundamentalism is a form of totalitarianism. And
that we need to have the power to fight this totalitarianism while at
the same time considering Islam as a religion as equal to others. But
she would also say that all religions have totalitarian moments in
them. That our democracies developed in the emancipation from religion.
And that's what Islam has to address: the emancipation of Muslims
from their religion, through which a changed Islam and a Muslim atheism
would emerge.
*
This article appeared in German in Die Welt on Saturday December 3, 2005.
translation: nbGet the signandsight newsletter for regular updates on feature articles.
signandsight.com - let's talk european.