Johann Gottlieb Fichte, work When
Johann Gottlieb Fichte read the
"Critique of Pure Reason" in 1791, he was so excited that he set out for
Königsberg to visit the famous
Immanuel Kant. But what he found there was an old, disinterested man who sent him back home. There, in
exactly five weeks,
Fichte wrote "An Attempt at a Critique of all Revelation," sent it to Kant, who was suitably impressed and found a publisher
for him. For fear of censorship, the book appeared anonymously. The
critics at the "Allgemeinen Literatur" newspaper in Jena wrote that
anyone who knows even a bit of Kant will recognise that this new
work can only be from him. Kant explained in a letter to the editor
that a certain Fichte, and not he, was the author. And so he became
famous overnight.
E.T.A. Hoffmann, work Rüdiger Safranski's fabulous book on Romanticism doesn't only consist of such stories but it
so smoothly combines philosophical analysis with anecdotal perspective, and so gracefully switches between profound reflection and
biographical wit, that we are presented with a genuine rarity:
exciting German intellectual history.
"Romanticism. A German affair".
That's the title. It refers to both the epoch which lasted an
astonishingly brief 30 years as well as the ongoing influence of Romantic thought and its often dangerous mutation into the political
realm. In 1798,
Novalis wrote, "In giving the entirety a higher value, the usual an element of secrecy, the well-known the value of the
unknown and the finite the appearance of infinity,
I romanticise."
This preamble to the Romantic constitution was to be fatally radicalised later by
dark ideologies and their masters.
Goebbels used the term
"steely romantic." And Safranski sees in
Ernst Jünger
"the warmongering version of the Dionysian," which plays an
instrumental role in
Nietzsche (also a Romantic renegade).
Heinrich Heine, work Did Romanticism cause the German
catastrophe? Safranski finds two respected proponents of this theory:
Isaiah Berlin and
Eric Voegelin. "According to Berlin, in the
subjectivity of its aesthetic imagination and the joy in ironic play, Romanticism allowed for an
uninhibited profundity, and a
subversion of the conventional moral order. Voegelin makes a similar
argument, but identifies the subverted order as 'theomorph' and
extends the criticism of subjectivity to accuse Romanticism of
deifying its subject. It's an accusation that had already been
levelled by
Heinrich Heine when he called the Romantics '
godless
selfgods'."
Friedrich Schleichermacher, NovalisBut if there was ever a sense of magic, an
innocent start, then in Romanticism. They were all so
young! Fichte was 29 when he drafted his "Attempt at a Critique of all Revelation";
Friedrich Schlegel 23 when he wrote his famous essay
"On the Study of Greek Poetry";
Schleiermacher 31 when he wrote his
speeches on religion; Novalis 26 when he composed his
hymns to the
night; and
Ludwig Tieck 22 when he penned his three-volume novel
"William
Lovell".
Ludwig Tieck, Friedrich Schlegel
All this happened in the final years of
the 18th century and Safranksi succeeds in vividly
depicting this explosion of genius and the ongoing enthusiasm that it
generated. He seems to be
infected by the enthusiasm himself. But he
does not neglect to mention the social and political circumstances.
Between 1750 and 1800, he says, the literacy rate doubled. People
were no longer reading one book several times, but several books once.
Between 1790 and 1800,
two and a half thousand novels appeared, as many as in the nine decades before. And then of course the French Revolution, the Napoleon cult and finally the anti- Napoleonism which
lead to patriotism, the politicisation of Romanticism and the
beginning of the loss of innocence.
So what was Romanticism? According to
Safranski, it was, among other things, an "extension of religion by aesthetic means." One could also say, a surpassing of
religion through the release of the powers of imagination, which
re-invented the world in a playful way. A world which, from a political viewpoint, was
singularly intellectual. So one could say that Romanticism was
a
substitute for action, which is why it could only take shape in
Germany, in narrow, politically sterile conditions. Safranski: "If there is a lack of a world at large, you build one yourself from what there is to hand." The subject finds the things to hand within himself. But
Safranski also shows that the Romantics were not so naive as to be
unaware of the potential dangers and disasters. Some, like
E.T.A.
Hoffmann, even sought them out. Even Tieck's "William Lovell" (1795),
"who observes and reflects constantly, realises in the end, how
hollow and empty he really is." And
Jean Paul will note later:
"Oh, if every subject is his own father and creator, why can't he be his own
angel of death?" In the self-destructive excesses of the
20th century, the angel of death did indeed complete its
work.
Joseph von Eichendorff, poems But Romanticism was not only an
extension of religion through aesthetic means; for some poets, it was
the
safeguarding of the aesthetic through religion. "The war
inside and outside will never end," wrote Novalis, "if one
does not seize the palm branch which alone can administer intellectual
power." Here he meant the Catholic religion. Safranski says of
Eichendorff, the greatest poet of the Romantic: "He remained
faithful to the God of his childhood, the God of his native forests,
not a God of speculation and philosophy. It's a God that doesn't need
to be invented – he can always be re-discovered in one's childhood
dreams. Protected by this God, one can be pious and bold... at the
same time free and bound." Like his poetry. If Novalis composed theory of Romanticism, Eichendorff was the one to realise it.
His poem "
Magic Wand"
has always been the ultimate expression of Romantic desire.
Friedrich Hölderlin, work The precision and devotion
with which Safranski approaches the poets is delightful.
Hölderlin and Heine
come to life. With
Kleist, he reaches the astute conclusion that his
hatred is like love, "an ecstasy of devotion." Safranski
explains what
Romantic irony means, and how it was understood by
Schlegel, Eichendorff and Heine. And when was anyone able to explain
Fichte's philosophy of the self such that one could even come close
to understanding it? Safranski is no daredevil discoverer, venturing
onto new territory, but rather one who can
synthesise, whose sagacity
(as E.T.A. Hoffmann would have said), learning and command of
language enable him to make intellectual history intelligible. And to
ensure that we don't get too reverential, he indulges in the occasional sloppiness – calling Novalis the "Mozart of the Romantics"
and
Thomas Mann a "Dionysian with iron creases and starched
collars."
Heinrich von Kleist, work Four hundred pages for a history of Romanticism is not that much. It's also the result of two significant
decisions that Safranski made. One: no painting and music only in the
form of
Richard Wagner. Two: Safranski limits himself to the German scene. But the Romantics considered themselves citizens of the
world, they translated
Shakespeare, for example. And
Ossian, the
so-called Homer of the North (in fact, a confidence trickster by the name of
James Macpherson) set in motion the German debate over the sublime.
Here, it would have made sense to shift the focus to
English Romanticism.
Clemens Brentano, work So why isn't Romanticism a closed
chapter? Safranski writes: "With their discomfort with
normality, the Romantics anticipate the discomfort with the
'demystification of the world through reason' that
Max Weber would
raise critically a century later. "The victory march of
technical-industrial thinking and its crass materialism was unstoppable.
Germans did not follow Max Weber's wise advice: to learn to live with demystification. In part they didn't want to,
in part they couldn't and that remains true to date. Because
modernity, which relies on reason and at best
ends in reason, kept
picking up its pace. Which is why Romanticism keeps returning as an place of desire – unfortunately, often in its darkest form. All
the more important to recall its light, brilliant beginning, those
beautiful young men and their intelligent women. What they were and
wrote constitutes the undeniable peak of German intellectual history.
Rüdiger Safranski:
Romantik Eine
deutsche Affaire; Hanser Verlag, München 2007; 415 S., 24,90 eur
*
This article originally appeared on September 6, 2007 in Die Zeit.
Ulrich Greiner is responsible for the literature section of Die Zeit.
translation: nb
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